Following the direct consultation of the illuminated manuscript of Iviron monastery which contains both an 11th-century Greek text of the Life of saints Barlaam and Ioasaph and an early-13th century fragmentary translation, transcribed on the (now amputated) margins of the former text, the Author unravels the stages of the translation process into vernacular French. Since a codicological analysis of the manuscript is impossible, given that its folios have been cut and inserted into modern support pegs, the analysis is based on the chronology of ink colours and that of the revision process. This leads to the conclusion that the vernacular text was translated and revised by a team of scribes, one of whom was a certainly a scholar of Greek, while the other was a speaker of Romance. Further proof is given that the translation was written on the bound manuscript, at a much later date that the writing of the Greek original, and that the ink of the vernacular text wore off when overlapping golden Greek majuscules.

Il contributo mostra come la tradizione dei trattati tolosani evidenzino un canale di comunicazione tra l'area occitana e quella catalana sia a livello di produzione sia a quello di ricezione. Nello specifico si osserva, attraverso alcuni esempi, che il contenuto didascalico delle varie redazioni delle Leys d'amors /Flors del Gay saber e quello degli esempi metrici esplicativi non seguano necessariamente lo stesso percorso. Inoltre il confronto fra la terminologia metrico-retorica tolosana e quella delle rubriche dei canzonieri lascia intravedere un mondo ancora poco conosciuto.

The contribution shows how the tradition of the Tolosan treaties highlight a channel of communication between the Occitan and Catalan areas, both from the point of view of production and that of reception. Specifically, it can be observed, through some examples, that the didactic content of the various editions of the Leys d'amors / Flors del Gay saber and the one of the explanatory metric examples do not necessarily follow the same path. Furthermore, the comparison between the terminology of the treaties and that of the songbooks rubrics allows us to glimpse a world that is still little known.

Nell’articolo viene posta la questione del testo specifico che serviva da fonte per la composizione del Centiloquio di Antonio Pucci. L’opera in capitoli ternari era versione versificata della Nuova cronica di Giovanni Villani, scritta intorno al 1373, un quarto di secolo dopo la morte del cronista e terminazione della sua opera. A Firenze la cronaca ebbe immediatamente un grande successo, di conseguenza la sua tradizione manoscritta è molto ricca e variegata: conta più di cento copie. Il problema della fonte usata da Antonio Pucci era già posto dagli studiosi e vennero date le parziali risposte. Nel presente studio, attraverso la collazione di un consistente numero dei luoghi critici, vengono precisati i loro risultati e vengono individuati, tra i manoscritti della cronaca superstiti, quei più vicini al testo del Centiloquio.

In the article the question is discussed of the specific text that was used as a source for the composition of the Centiloquio of Antonio Pucci. The work in ternary chapters was a versified version of the Nuova cronica of Giovanni Villani, written ca. in 1373, a quarter of century after the death of the chronicler and completing of his work. In Florence the chronicle had immediately a great popularity, consequently its manuscript tradition is very rich and diversified: it counts more than a hundred copies. The question of the source used by Antonio Pucci was already posed by the researchers and it had obtained partial answers. In this paper, through the collation of a large number of loci, their results are better specified and are indicated those manuscripts of the chronicle, among the extant ones, which are closest to the text of the Centiloquio.

Questo studio censisce i testimoni manoscritti delle traduzioni italiane del Breviloquium de virtutibus antiquorum principum et philosophorum del francescano Giovanni di Galles, ne esamina le caratteristiche e individua il modello del testo latino utilizzato da alcuni dei volgarizzamenti.
I manoscritti censiti sono  48, la maggior parte dei quali appartengono alle quattro traduzioni più diffuse, ma alcuni paiono attestare redazioni ulteriori. Dall’analisi del contenuto dei manoscritti emerge che i volgarizzamenti sono contenuti prevalentemente  in raccolte di testi religiosi di carattere didattico-morale, ma alcuni sono contenuti in miscellanee fiorentine che ospitano volgarizzamenti di testi oratori e civili, per l’interesse che presenta la raccolta di exempla tratti da fonti classiche del Breviloquium.
Il riconoscimento di una importante variante redazionale presente in una parte della tradizione latina e in tre delle traduzioni italiane, consente di verificare che si tratta senza dubbio di traduzioni diverse e anche di disporre di un supporto importante per l’allestimento delle edizioni critiche dei volgarizzamenti.

This study surveys the manuscript testimonies of the Italian translations of the Breviloquium de virtutibus antiquorum principum et philosophorum by the Franciscan John of Wales, analyses their characteristics and identifies the specific version of the Latin text used by some of the vernacular translations.
Forty-eight manuscripts are surveyed, most of which belong to the four most popular translations, but some seem to attest to different versions. An analysis of the contents of the manuscripts shows that the translations are mainly contained in collections of religious texts of didactic-moral nature, but some are contained in Florentine miscellanies containing vernacular translations of both rhetorical and civil texts, due to the interest of the collection of exempla taken from classical sources in the Breviloquium.
The recognition of an important redactional variant present in some manuscripts of the Latin text and in three of the Italian translations makes it possible to verify that they are undoubtedly different translations and also to have an important support for the preparation of critical editions of the vernacular translations.

Les débuts de la lyrique des troubadours coïncident pour les cinq premières décennies avec l'activité de seulement quatre auteurs, Guilhem IX, Cercamon, Jaufre Rudel et Marcabru, localisable dans la partie nord-occidentale du domaine occitan. L'analyse de la langue de ces auteurs montre que malgré leurs origines diverses, leurs textes ont été rédigés dans une variété limousine marquée comprenant quelques emprunts au poitevin, aux variétés oïliques et au gascon.
La localisation repose sur l'analyse de sept paramètres phonétiques univoques, réunissant près de 2400 occurences dans la tradition manuscrite. L'étude permet par cette voie de situer de manière non plus spéculative ce genre fondateur de la lyrique occidentale dans un cadre géo-historique précis. Elle permet également des observations méthodologiques sur la relation entre la langue originelle des auteurs et les copies de la tradition troubadouresque, de même que sur la question de la supposée koinè de l’occitan médiéval.

The first five decades of troubadour poetry coincide with the activity of just four authors, namely William IX, Cercamon, Jaufre Rudel and Marcabru. Their work can be localised in the northwestern part of the Occitan area. Despite the diversity of their origins, an analysis of their language shows that they employ a variety of Limousin enriched by a number of Poitevin, Oïl and Gascon borrowings.
The localisation relies on seven distinctive phonetic features displayed by approx. 2400 occurrences found in the manuscript tradition. The study thus provides the first non-speculative evidence for the development of the founding genre of the Western lyric tradition within defined geographical and historical boundaries. It also affords an opportunity for methodological observations pertaining to the relationship between the original language of the authors and that of the copies which form the troubadour tradition, as well as to the debate surrounding the presumed existence of a medieval Occitan koinè.

Nato all’interno del progetto ERC European Ars Nova, il saggio presenta una ricerca sui dieci testi (tra ballades, rondeaux e virelais) intonati dal compositore francese Solage, attivo verosimilmente tra la fine del XIV e l’inizio del XV secolo. Nell’ottica di valorizzare il repertorio arsnovistico anche dal punto di vista dei testi verbali, da sempre marginalizzati rispetto alle melodie e spesso oggetto di lavori filologicamente inaffidabili, il contributo propone una rinnovata edizione di alcuni brani e una discussione di singoli loci, con proposte di lettura e di interpretazione alternative rispetto alle edizioni invalse. Il corpus di Solage si configura come un caso di studio esemplificativo della “sfortuna” del repertorio francese: permette di esplicitare i princìpi metodologici adottati dal gruppo Ars Nova in sede di edizione, quindi di presentare alcuni primi spunti di indagine utili ad inquadrare il retroterra culturale degli autori.

Produced as part of the ERC European Ars Nova project, the essay presents a research on the ten texts (ballades, rondeaux and virelais) set to music by the French composer Solage, who was probably active between the late 14th and early 15th century. With the aim of enhancing the Ars Nova repertoire also from the point of view of the texts, which have always been marginalised in comparison to the music and are often the subject of philologically unreliable works, the contribution proposes a renewed edition of some pieces and a discussion of individual loci, with proposals for alternative readings and interpretations to the established editions. Solage’s corpus is configured as an exemplary study of the “misfortune" of the French repertoire: it allows us to make explicit the methodological criteria adopted by the Ars Nova team during the edition process, and then to present some initial points of investigation useful for delving into the cultural background of the authors.

LINO LEONARDI, L’edizione di un manoscritto: testo e contesto del codice “Saibante” [185-194]

On propose ici de rapprocher un motif narratif apparaissant dans le Chevalier au Lion de Chrétien de Troyes et un fait mythologique rapporté par Clément d’Alexandrie dans les Stromates dix siècles plus tôt. La similitude des deux textes, non imputable à quelque emprunt direct de l’un à l’autre, permet de postuler, à l’aune d’une reconstitution du parcours philologique de ce motif, qu’il est peut-être issu d’un archétype de tradition orale bretonne, ayant fait indépendamment sa voie vers les deux témoins textuels subsistants.

We hereby propose to compare a narrative motif appearing in Chrétien de Troyes’ Chevalier au Lion and a mythological fact reported by Clement of Alexandria in the Stromata ten centuries earlier. The similarity of the two texts cannot be tributed to any direct borrowing from one to the other: therefore, it is possible to postulate, in the light of a reconstruction of the philological transmission of this motif, that it may originate an archetype of Breton oral tradition, having independently made its way to the two surviving textual witnesses.

Les deux dernières décennies ont vu la publication de trois éditions critiques importantes de la Vie de Saint Alexis en ancien français (Perugi 2000 and 2014, Eusebi 2001, Zufferey 2020). L’édition de F. Zufferey représente une réalisation majeure dans le domaine de l’édition des textes français médiévaux. L’article prend en considération un certain nombre de questions et de résultats de ce travail qui peuvent prêter le flanc à quelques critiques. En particulier, l’article discute quelques points d’intérêt méthodologique concernant la géographie du stemma proposée par Z. dont le but est de montrer, par l’étude de la tradition manuscrite, le mouvement des différentes formes du texte dans le temps et dans l’espace.

The last two decades have seen the publishing of three major critical editions of the Old French Life of Saint Alexis (Perugi 2000 and 2014, Eusebi 2001, Zufferey 2020). F. Zufferey’s edition stands out now as a major achievement in editing French Medieval texts. The present article considers some controversial issues related to this work. It particularly focuses on methodological questions concerning the way in which stemmatology and geography are brought together, in order to build, in Zufferey’s intentions, a sort of moving map display of manuscript tradition through space and time.

Este estudio se basa en documento de un archivo local aragonés, datado en 1511, que relata la trama para el asesinato del titular de un señorío próximo a Zaragoza, con intervención de un morisco navarro, de otros complices de clase baja, y de la señora de Anguisolis, de la clase alta zaragozana, hermana del noble asesinado, cuya venganza con astutas artes y dispendio dinerario, a toda costa buscaba. El documento en cuestión, original, relata ante notario el procedimiento criminal que iba a seguirse, con Jucé de Oblitas como actor principal, y con su traición a la dama que lo había contratado.
El autógrafo en sus enmiendas y tachaduras ofrece datos de valor sociolingüístico (tú / vos, marido / señor), y un temprano testimonio sobre la implantación del castellano en zonas rurales, un castellano que, naturalmente, presenta algunas reminiscencias del romance aragonés en retirada. Un estudio lingüístico (grafémico, gramatical y léxico) acompaña a la transcripción documental.

This study is based on a document from a local Aragonese archive, dated 1511, which recounts the plot for the assassination of the owner of a manor near Zaragoza, with the intervention of a Moor from Navarre, other lower-class accomplices, and Mrs. of Anguisolis, from the upper class of Zaragoza, sister of the murdered nobleman, whose revenge with cunning arts and wasted money, he sought at all costs. The document in question, original, recounts before a notary the criminal procedure that was going to be followed, with Jucé de Oblitas as the main actor, and with his betrayal of the lady who had hired him.
The autograph in its amendments and deletions offers data of sociolinguistic value (tú / vos, marido / señor), and an early testimony on the implantation of Castilian Spanish in rural areas, a Castilian that, naturally, presents some reminiscences of the Aragonese romance in retreat. A linguistic study (graphemic, grammatical and lexical) accompanies the documentary transcription.